Hispanopedia WikiLa voz simétrica , también conocida como alineación austronesia o sistema de foco austronesio , es un tipo de alineación morfosintáctica inusualmente tipológica en la que "un argumento puede estar marcado como teniendo una relación especial con el verbo". [ 1 ] Esta relación especial se manifiesta como un afijo de voz en el verbo que corresponde al rol sintáctico de un sustantivo dentro de la cláusula, que está marcado para un caso gramatical particular o se encuentra en una posición estructural privilegiada dentro de la cláusula, o ambas cosas.
Existen dos tipos de alineación de lenguas con voz simétrica: el tipo filipino , que conserva en su mayor parte el sistema original del protoaustronesio con cuatro voces (o a veces tres), y el tipo indonesio , que las redujo a solo dos voces. [ 2 ]
Las lenguas de tipo filipino incluyen las lenguas de Filipinas , pero también se encuentran en las lenguas formosanas de Taiwán , así como en el norte de Borneo , el norte de Sulawesi y Madagascar , y se han reconstruido para la lengua protoaustronesia ancestral . En el resto de las lenguas malayo-polinesias , incluido el protooceánico , la voz simétrica se perdió casi por completo. [ 3 ]
El número de voces varía según el idioma. Si bien la mayoría de los idiomas analizados tienen cuatro voces, es posible encontrar desde dos hasta seis. En los ejemplos que se muestran a continuación, el afijo de voz del verbo aparece en rojo , mientras que el sujeto, seleccionado por dicho afijo , aparece en cursiva, negrita y subrayado .
Terminología
El término «foco austronesio» se usaba ampliamente en la literatura antigua, pero últimamente más estudiosos recurren al término « voz» debido a los argumentos en contra del término «foco». [ 4 ] Por otro lado, Starosta argumentó que ni «voz» ni «foco» son correctos y que se trata de una derivación léxica. [ 5 ]
Schachter (1987) propuso el término «detonante», que ha tenido un uso generalizado. Como resume una fuente, «foco» y «tema» no significan lo que significan en el discurso (la pieza esencial de información nueva y de qué se está hablando, respectivamente), sino que «foco» es una especie de concordancia, y «tema» es un sintagma nominal que concuerda con el verbo marcado con foco. Por lo tanto, usar esos términos para la alineación austronesia/filipina es «engañoso» y «parece mejor referirse a esta expresión argumentativa como el detonante , un término que refleja el hecho de que el rol semántico del argumento en cuestión desencadena la elección de un afijo verbal». [ 6 ]
Estudios
Varios estudios se centraron en la perspectiva tipológica del sistema de voz austronesio. [ 7 ] [ 8 ] Algunos exploraron las propiedades semánticas o pragmáticas del sistema de voz austronesio. [ 9 ] [ 10 ] Otros contribuyeron a la morfología de cambio de valencia . [ 11 ]
Propiedades
Concordancia con el rol semántico del sujeto
En las lenguas que presentan voz simétrica, el afijo de voz del verbo principal dentro de la cláusula marca la concordancia con "el rol semántico del [sujeto]". [ 12 ]
Por ejemplo, el sufijo Actor Voice puede concordar únicamente con frases nominales de agente. (El asterisco indica que la oración es agramatical para el significado previsto).
- Kapampangan
S‹ um ›ulat
‹ AV ›will.write
ya=ng
3SG . DIR = ACC
poesía
poema
ing
DIR
lalaki
chico
rey
OBL
Pisara.
pizarra
S< um ›ulat ya=ng poesia ing lalaki king pisara.
‹AV›will.write 3SG.DIR=ACC poema DIR niño OBL pizarra
"El niño escribirá un poema en la pizarra."
*
Suma ulat
yang
lalaki
ing
poesía
rey
Pisara.
* S um ulat yang lalaki ing poesia king pisara.
Intencionada: "El niño escribirá un poema en la pizarra." (Gramaticalmente correcto: "El poema escribirá a un niño en la pizarra.")
*
Suma ulat
yang
poesía
ing
pisara
rey
hombre.
* S um ulat yang poesia ing pisara king lalaki.
Intencionada: "El niño escribirá un poema en la pizarra." (Gramaticalmente correcto: "La pizarra escribirá un poema sobre el niño.")
- Tagalo
B‹ um ›ilí
‹ ASP . AV ›comprar
ng
INDIANA
manggá
mango
sa
OBL
mercado
mercado
ang
DIR
lalaki .
hombre
B ‹ um ›ilí ng manggá sa palengke ang lalaki .
‹ASP.AV›comprar IND mango OBL mercado DIR man
"El hombre compró un mango en el mercado."
*
B um ilí
ng
lalaki
sa
mercado
ang
manggá .
* B um ilí ng lalaki sa palengke ang manggá .
Intencionada: "El hombre compró un mango en el mercado." (Gramaticalmente correcto: "El mango compró a un hombre en el mercado.")
*
B um ilí
ng
manggá
sa
lalaki
ang
mercado .
* Bum ilí ng manggá sa lalaki ang palengke .
Intencionada: "El hombre compró un mango en el mercado." (Gramaticalmente correcto: "El mercado le compró un mango al hombre.")
Las oraciones en (b) son agramaticales porque el sintagma nominal del paciente está marcado como sujeto, aunque el verbo lleva el infijo de voz del actor. Las oraciones en (c) son agramaticales porque, en lugar del sintagma nominal del agente, el sintagma nominal de lugar está marcado como sujeto.
El sufijo de voz del paciente puede concordar únicamente con frases nominales del paciente.
- Kapampangan
Yo -sulat
PV -will.write
n=e
3SG . ERG = 3SG . DIR
ning
ERGIO
lalaki
chico
ing
DIR
poesía
poema
rey
OBL
Pisara.
pizarra
I -sulat n=e ning lalaki ing poesia king pisara.
PV-will.write 3SG.ERG=3SG.DIR ERG niño DIR poema OBL pizarra
"El poema lo escribirá el niño en la pizarra."
*
Yo sulat
nordeste
ning
poesía
ing
lalaki
rey
Pisara.
* I sulat ne ning poesia ing lalaki king pisara.
Intencionada: "El poema será escrito por el niño en la pizarra." (Gramaticalmente correcto: "El niño será escrito por el poema en la pizarra.")
*
Yo sulat
nordeste
ning
lalaki
ing
pisara
rey
poesía.
* I sulat ne ning lalaki ing pisara king poesia.
Intencionada: "El poema será escrito por el niño en la pizarra." (Gramaticalmente correcto: "La pizarra será escrita por el niño en el poema.")
- Tagalo
B‹in›ilí- ∅
‹ ASP ›comprar- PV
ng
INDIANA
lalaki
hombre
sa
OBL
mercado
mercado
ang
DIR
manggá .
mango
B`in`ilí- ∅ ng lalaki sa palengke ang manggá .
‹ASP›compra-PV IND hombre OBL mercado DIR mango
"El hombre compró el mango en el mercado."
*
Binilí- ∅
ng
manggá
sa
mercado
ang
lalaki .
* Binilí- ∅ ng manggá sa palengke ang lalaki .
Intencionada: "El hombre compró el mango en el mercado." (Gramaticalmente correcto: "El hombre fue comprado por el mango en el mercado.")
*
Binilí- ∅
ng
lalaki
sa
manggá
ang
mercado .
* Binilí- ∅ ng lalaki sa manggá ang palengke .
Intencionada: "El hombre compró el mango en el mercado." (Gramaticalmente correcto: "El hombre compró el mango en el mercado.")
Las oraciones en (b) son agramaticales porque el sintagma nominal de agente está marcado como sujeto, aunque el verbo lleva el afijo de voz de paciente. Las oraciones en (c) son agramaticales porque, en lugar del sintagma nominal de paciente, el sintagma nominal de lugar está marcado como sujeto.
El afijo de voz locativa puede concordar únicamente con frases nominales de lugar.
- Kapampangan
Pi -sulat- an
LV -escribirá- LV
n=e=ng
3SG . ERG = 3SG . DIR = ACC
poesía
poema
ning
ERGIO
lalaki
chico
ing
DIR
pisara .
pizarra
Pi -sulat- an n=e=ng poesia ning lalaki ing pisara .
LV-will.write-LV 3SG.ERG=3SG.DIR=ACC poema ERG niño DIR pizarra
"El niño escribirá un poema en la pizarra."
*
Pi sulat an
neng
poesía
ning
pisara
ing
lalaki .
* Pi sulat an neng poesia ning pisara ing lalaki .
Intencionada: "El niño escribirá un poema en la pizarra." (Gramaticalmente correcto: "El niño escribirá un poema en la pizarra.")
*
Pi sulat an
neng
pisara
ning
lalaki
ing
poesía .
* Pi sulat an neng pisara ning lalaki ing poesía .
Intencionada: "El niño escribirá un poema en la pizarra." (Gramaticalmente correcto: "El niño escribirá un poema en la pizarra.")
- Tagalo
B‹in›ilh- án
‹ ASP ›comprar- LV
ng
INDIANA
lalaki
hombre
ng
INDIANA
manggá
mango
ang
DIR
mercado .
mercado
B`in`ilh- án ng lalaki ng manggá ang palengke .
‹ASP›compra-LV IND hombre IND mango DIR mercado
"El hombre compró un mango en el mercado."
*
Binilh án
ng
mercado
ng
manggá
ang
lalaki .
* Binilhán ng palengke ng manggá ang lalaki .
Intencionada: "El hombre compró un mango en el mercado." (Gramaticalmente correcto: "El hombre compró un mango en el mercado.")
*
Binilh án
ng
lalaki
ng
mercado
ang
manggá .
* Binilhán ng lalaki ng palengke ang manggá .
Intencionada: "El hombre compró un mango en el mercado." (Gramaticalmente correcto: "El hombre compró un mango en el mercado.")
Las oraciones en (b) son agramaticales porque el sintagma nominal de agente está marcado como sujeto, aunque el verbo lleva el afijo locativo. Las oraciones en (c) son agramaticales porque, en lugar del sintagma nominal de lugar, el sintagma nominal de paciente está marcado como sujeto.
Tipos de roles semánticos
En todos los idiomas, los roles semánticos más comunes con los que pueden concordar los afijos de voz son agente, paciente, lugar, instrumento y beneficiario. En algunos idiomas, los afijos de voz también pueden concordar con roles semánticos como tema, objetivo, razón y tiempo. El conjunto de roles semánticos que pueden desempeñar los sujetos en cada idioma varía, y algunos afijos pueden concordar con más de un rol semántico.
Promoción directa al sujeto
Las lenguas que tienen voz simétrica no tienen un proceso que promueva un argumento oblicuo al objeto directo . Los argumentos oblicuos se promueven directamente al sujeto .
- Tagalo
Nagpadalá
M -n-pag-padalá
AV - ASP -¿?-enviar
agente
ang
DIR
mamá
hombre
tema
ng
INDIANA
pera
dinero
meta
sa
OBL
anák
niño
niyá.
3SG . GEN
{} agente {} tema {} objetivo {} {}
Nagpadalá ang mama ng pera sa anák niyá.
M -n-pag-padalá {} {} {} {} {} {} {}
AV-ASP-¿?-enviar DIR hombre IND dinero OBL niño 3SG.GEN
"El hombre le envió dinero a su hijo."
P‹in›adalh- án
‹ ASP ›enviar- LV
agente
ng
INDIANA
mamá
hombre
tema
ng
INDIANA
pera
dinero
meta
ang
DIR
anák
niño
niyá .
3SG . GEN
{} agente {} tema {} objetivo {} {}
P`in›adalh- án ng mama ng pera ang anák niyá .
‹ASP›enviar-LV IND hombre IND dinero DIR niño 3SG.GEN
"Su hijo recibió dinero del hombre que yo ..."
*
Nagpadalhán
M -n-pag-padalh- án
AV - ASP - ¿? -enviar- LV
agente
ang
DIR
mamá
hombre
tema
ng
INDIANA
pera
dinero
meta
ng
INDIANA
anák
niño
niyá.
3SG . GEN
{} {} agente {} tema {} objetivo {} {}
* Nagpadalhán ang mama ng pera ng anák niyá.
{} M -n-pag-padalh- án { } {} {} {} {} {} {}
{} AV-ASP- ¿? -enviar-LV DIR hombre IND dinero IND niño 3SG.GEN
Mensaje previsto: "El hombre le envió dinero a su hijo."
En los ejemplos en tagalo anteriores, la frase nominal de meta puede ser un objeto indirecto, como en (1), o un sujeto, como en (2). Sin embargo, no puede ser un objeto directo ni estar marcada con caso indirecto, como en (3). Las formas verbales, como "nagpadalhan", que llevan tanto un afijo de voz activa como uno que no lo es, no existen en lenguas con voz simétrica.
Los ejemplos en tagalo contrastan con los ejemplos [ 13 ] en indonesio que aparecen a continuación.
- indonesio
agente
Ayah
padre
mengirim
meN -kirim
VOZ ACTIVA -enviar
tema
dinero
dinero
meta
kepada
a
decir.
1.er Sargento
agente {} tema objetivo {}
Ayah mengirim uang kepada saya.
{} meN -kirim {} {} {}
Padre {VOZ ACTIVA}: envíe dinero a 1SG
"Mi padre me envió dinero."
meta
Saya
1.er Sargento
di -kirim- i
VOZ PASIVA -enviar- APLICATORIO
tema
dinero
dinero
agente
por
por
Ayah.
padre
objetivo {} agente de tema {}
Saya di -kirim- i uang oleh Ayah.
1SG {VOZ PASIVA}-enviar-aplicativo dinero por padre
"Mi padre me envió dinero."
agente
Ayah
padre
mengirimi
hombres -kirim- i
VOZ ACTIVA -enviar- APLICATORIO
meta
decir
1.er Sargento
tema
dinero.
dinero
agente {} tema objetivo
Ayah mengirimi saya uang.
{} meN -kirim- i {} {}
padre {VOZ ACTIVA}-enviar-APLICATIVO 1SG dinero
"Mi padre me envió dinero."
En los ejemplos en indonesio, la frase nominal de meta puede ser el objeto indirecto, como en (4), y el sujeto, como en (5). Sin embargo, a diferencia del tagalo, en indonesio la frase nominal de meta puede ser un objeto directo, como en (6). La preposición kepada desaparece en presencia del sufijo aplicativo -i , y la frase nominal de meta pasa de la posición final de la oración a una posición adyacente al verbo. Además, puede comportarse como un objeto directo regular y sufrir procesos como la pasivización , como en (5).
Ejemplos protoaustronesios
Los ejemplos [ 14 ] a continuación están en protoaustronesio. Los asteriscos indican una reconstrucción lingüística . El afijo de voz del verbo aparece en texto rojo , mientras que el sujeto, que selecciona el afijo , aparece en cursiva negrita subrayada . Se han reconstruido cuatro voces para el protoaustronesio: Voz del actor , Voz del paciente , Voz locativa y Voz del instrumento .
- Protoaustronesio
*
K‹ um ›aen
‹ AV ›comer
Semay
arroz
Cau .
hombre
* K‹ um ›aen Semay Cau .
{} ‹AV›hombre come arroz
"El hombre está comiendo arroz."
*
Kaen- en
comer -PV
nu
ERGIO
Cau
hombre
Semay .
arroz
* Kaen- en nu Cau Semay .
{} comer-PV ERG hombre arroz
"El hombre está comiendo el arroz." ( o "El arroz está siendo comido por el hombre.")
*
Kaen -an
comer- LV
nu
ERGIO
Cau
hombre
Semay
arroz
Rumaq .
casa
* Kaen -an nu Cau Semay Rumaq .
{} comer-LV ERG hombre arroz casa
"El hombre está comiendo arroz en la casa." ( o "La casa está siendo comida por el hombre.")
*
Si -kaen
IV -comer
nu
ERGIO
Cau
hombre
Semay
arroz
lima-ni-á .
mano- GEN - 3SG
* Si -kaen nu Cau Semay lima-ni-á .
{} IV-comer ERG hombre arroz mano-GEN-3SG
"El hombre está comiendo arroz con la mano." ( o "Su mano está siendo comida con arroz por el hombre . ")
Ejemplos de Formosa
Los datos que aparecen a continuación provienen del formosano , una agrupación geográfica de todas las lenguas austronesias que no pertenecen al grupo malayo-polinesio . Las lenguas formosanas se hablan principalmente en Taiwán .
Amigos
Amis [ 15 ] tiene cuatro voces: Voz del actor, Voz del paciente, Voz locativa y Voz del instrumento.
El marcador de caso directo, que marca el sujeto en Amis, es ku .
Mi -ʔaɬup
Caza de AV
ku
DIR
kapah
joven
tu
ACC
vavuy.
cerdo
Mi -ʔaɬup ku kapah tu vavuy.
AV-hunt DIR {joven} ACC cerdo
"Un joven caza un cerdo."
Ma -ʔaɬup
Búsqueda de PV
nu
ERGIO
kapah
joven
ku
DIR
vavuy .
cerdo
Ma -ʔaɬup nu kapah ku vavuy .
PV-hunt ERG {hombre joven} DIR cerdo
"Un joven caza un cerdo." ( o "Un cerdo es cazado por un joven.")
Pi -ʔaɬup- an
LV -caza- LV
nu
ERGIO
kapah
joven
kura
eso. DIR
lutuk
montaña
tu
ACC
vavuy.
cerdo
Pi -ʔaɬup- an nu kapah kura lutuk tu vavuy.
LV-caza-LV ERG {hombre joven} eso.DIR montaña ACC cerdo
"Un joven caza un cerdo en esa montaña." ( o "En esa montaña un joven caza un cerdo.")
Sa-pi -ʔaɬup
IV -caza
nu
ERGIO
kapah
joven
ku
DIR
ʔiluc
lanza
tu
ACC
vavuy.
cerdo
Sa-pi -ʔaɬup nu kapah ku ʔiluc tu vavuy.
IV-hunt ERG {hombre joven} DIR lanza ACC cerdo
"Un joven caza un cerdo con una lanza." ( o "Un joven caza un cerdo con una lanza.")
Atayal
Aunque ambos tienen el mismo número de voces, los dos dialectos de Atayal que se presentan a continuación difieren en la forma del prefijo de voz circunstancial. En Mayrinax, el prefijo de voz circunstancial es si- , mientras que en Squliq es s- .
Mayrinax
Mayrinax [ 16 ] tiene cuatro voces: Voz del actor, Voz del paciente, Voz locativa y Voz circunstancial.
El prefijo circunstancial Voz selecciona sujetos beneficiarios e instrumentos.
El morfema de caso directo en Mayrinax es kuʔ .
M -aras
AV -obtener
cuʔ
ACC
qusiaʔ
agua
kuʔ
DIR
makurakis .
chica
M -aras cuʔ qusiaʔ kuʔ makurakis .
AV-fetch ACC agua DIR chica
"La niña va a buscar agua."
Ras -un
obtener- PV
nkuʔ
ERGIO
makurakis
chica
kuʔ
DIR
qusiaʔ .
agua
Ras -un nkuʔ makurakis kuʔ qusiaʔ .
fetch-PV ERG chica DIR agua
"La niña trae agua." ( o "El agua es traída por la niña.")
Ras -an
obtener- LV
nkuʔ
ERGIO
makurakis
chica
cuʔ
ACC
qusiaʔ
agua
kuʔ
DIR
βintaŋ
cubo de agua
ka
LIG
hani .
este
Ras -an nkuʔ makurakis cuʔ qusiaʔ kuʔ βintaŋ ka hani .
fetch-LV ERG chica ACC agua DIR {cubo de agua} LIG esto
"La niña trae agua a este cubo." ( o "La niña trae agua a este cubo.")
Si -ʔaras
CV -obtener
nkuʔ
ERGIO
makurakis
chica
cuʔ
ACC
qusiaʔ
agua
kuʔ
DIR
mamaliku=niaʔ .
esposo= 3SG . GEN
Si -ʔaras nkuʔ makurakis cuʔ qusiaʔ kuʔ mamaliku=niaʔ .
CV-fetch ERG chica ACC agua DIR marido=3SG.GEN
"La muchacha trae agua para su marido." ( o "Su marido i es traído agua por la muchacha i .")
Si -ʔaras
CV -obtener
nkuʔ
ERGIO
makurakis
chica
cuʔ
ACC
qusiaʔ
agua
kuʔ
DIR
βintaŋ
cubo de agua
ka
LIG
hani .
este
Si -ʔaras nkuʔ makurakis cuʔ qusiaʔ kuʔ βintaŋ ka hani .
CV-fetch ERG chica ACC agua DIR {cubo de agua} LIG esto
"La niña trae agua con este cubo." ( o "Con este cubo de agua la niña trae agua.")
Squliq
Squliq [ 17 ] tiene cuatro voces: Voz del actor, Voz del paciente, Voz locativa y Voz circunstancial.
El prefijo de voz circunstancial selecciona sujetos beneficiarios e instrumentos.
El morfema de caso directo en Squliq es qu' .
M -aniq
AV -comer
qulih
pez
que
DIR
Tali' .
Tali
M -aniq qulih qu' Tali' .
AV-comer pescado DIR Tali
"Tali come pescado."
Niq- un
comer -PV
n / A'
ERGIO
Tali
Tali
que
DIR
qulih
pez
qasa .
eso
Niq -un na' Tali' qu' qulih qasa .
come-PV ERG Tali DIR pescado que
"Tali se come ese pez." ( o "Ese pez es comido por Tali.")
Niq- an
comer- LV
n / A'
ERGIO
Tali
Tali
qulih
pez
que
DIR
ngasal
casa
qasa .
eso
Niq -an na' Tali' qulih qu' ngasal qasa .
come-LV ERG Tali pescado DIR casa que
"Tali come pescado en esa casa." ( o "En esa casa se come pescado por Tali.")
S -qaniq
CV -comer
n / A'
ERGIO
Tali
Tali
qulih
pez
que
DIR
Sayun .
Sayun
S -qaniq na' Tali' qulih qu' Sayun .
CV-come ERG Tali pescado DIR Sayun
"Tali come pescado para Sayun." ( o "Tali come pescado para Sayun.")
S -qaniq
CV -comer
n / A'
ERGIO
Tali
Tali
qulih
pez
que
DIR
qway .
palillos
S -qaniq na' Tali' qulih qu' qway .
CV-eat ERG Tali pescado DIR palillos
"Tali come pescado con palillos." ( o "Tali come pescado con palillos.")
Hla'alua
Hla'alua [ 18 ] [ 19 ] tiene tres voces: Voz de actor , Voz de paciente y Voz circunstancial .
El sufijo de voz circunstancial selecciona sujetos por ubicación y tema.
Si bien los pronombres ligados tienen una forma de caso directo, los sustantivos no llevan un marcador de caso directo especial para los sujetos en Hla'alua.
Hli- um -u=cu= aku
ASP - AV -comer= ASP = 1SG . dirección
hlavate
guayaba
usual.
dos
Hli- um -u=cu= aku hlavate usua.
ASP-AV-comer=ASP=1SG.DIR guayaba dos
"Me he comido dos guayabas."
Hli-paipekel- a =cu
ASP -molde- PV = ASP
a
DET
Eleke
Eleke
a
DET
tangusuhlu=na .
pastel de arroz = DEF
Hli-paipekel -a =cu a Eleke a tangusuhlu=na .
ASP-molde-PV=ASP DET Eleke DET pastel de arroz=DEF
"Eleke ha moldeado el pastel de arroz." ( o "El pastel de arroz ha sido moldeado por Eleke.")
Hli-aala- ana
ASP -tomar- CV
'Angai
'Angai
vutukuhlu
pez
a
DET
hluuhlungu=na .
flujo= DEF
Hli-aala- ana 'Angai vutukuhlu a hluuhlungu=na .
ASP-take-CV 'Arroyo de peces Angai DET=DEF
"'Angai ha pescado en el arroyo." ( o "El arroyo ha sido pescado por 'Angai.")
Hli-aala- ana =ku
ASP -tomar- CV = 1SG . ERG
a
DET
vahlituku-isa
dinero- 3
ama'a .
padre
Hli-aala- ana =ku a vahlituku-isa ama'a .
ASP-take-CV=1SG.ERG DET dinero-3 padre
"He tomado el dinero de mi padre." ( o "El dinero de mi padre ha sido tomado por mí.")
Kanakanavu
Kanakanavu [ 20 ] tiene cuatro voces: Voz del actor, Voz del paciente, Voz locativa y Voz del instrumento.
El morfema de caso directo, que opcionalmente marca el sujeto en Kanakanavu, es sua .
K‹ um ›aʉn
‹ AV ›comer
( sua )
DIR
ŋiau
gato
tapianaŋai.
pájaro
K` um ›aʉn ( sua ) ŋiau tapianaŋai.
‹AV›comer DIR gato pájaro
"Un gato se comió un pájaro."
Cʉʔʉr- ai
ver- PV
maanu
niño
iisi
este
( sua )
DIR
tacau
perro
iisa .
eso
Cʉʔʉr -ai maanu iisi ( sua ) tacau iisa .
ver-PV niño este DIR perro que
"Este niño vio a ese perro." ( o "Ese perro fue visto por este niño.")
Riucuucu- an
beso- LV
Mu'u
Mu'u
( sua )
DIR
PaicU .
PaicU
Riucuucu- an Mu'u ( sua ) PaicU .
beso-LV Mu'u DIR PaicU
"Mu'u besó a PaicU." ( o "PaicU fue besado por Mu'u.")
Si -puʔa
IV -comprar
maanu-maku
niño- 1SG . GEN
ʔʉnai
tierra
sua
DIR
vantuku
dinero
iisi .
este
Si -puʔa maanu-maku ʔʉnai sua vantuku iisi .
IV-comprar niño-1SG.GEN tierra DIR dinero esto
"Mi hijo compró un terreno con este dinero." ( o "Mi hijo compró un terreno con este dinero.")
Kavalan
Kavalan [ 21 ] tiene tres voces: Voz del actor , Voz del paciente y Voz circunstancial .
El prefijo de voz circunstancial selecciona sujetos instrumentales y beneficiarios.
El morfema de caso directo, que marca el sujeto en Kavalan, es ya .
Q‹ em ›al
‹ AV ›dig
tu
ACC
rasung
Bueno
ya
DIR
suníes .
niño
Q` em ›al tu rasung ya sunis .
‹AV›cavar ACC bien DIR niño
"El niño cavó un pozo."
Qal -an
excavación- PV
n / A
ERGIO
suníes
niño
ya
DIR
rasung .
Bueno
Qal- an na sunis ya rasung .
pozo infantil dig-PV ERG DIR
"El niño cavó el pozo." ( o " El pozo fue cavado por el niño.")
Ti -tangan=ku
CV - abierto = 1SG.ERG
tu
ACC
ineb
puerta
ya
DIR
suqsuq .
llave
Ti -tangan=ku tu ineb ya suqsuq .
CV-open=1SG.ERG ACC puerta DIR llave
"Abrí la puerta con la llave." ( o "La llave fue abierta por mí.")
Ti -sammay
CV -cocinero
n / A
ERGIO
tama=ku
padre= 1SG . GEN
ya
DIR
tina=ku.
mother-1SG.GEN
Ti-sammay na tama=ku yatina=ku.
CV-cook ERG father=1SG.GEN DIR mother-1SG.GEN
"My father cooked for my mother." (or "My mother was cooked for by my father.")
Paiwan
Paiwan[22] has four voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Locative Voice, and Instrument Voice.
The direct case morpheme, which marks the subject in Paiwan, is a.
Q‹m›ałup
‹AV›hunt
a
DIR
tsautsau
man
tua
OBL
vavuy
pig
i
PREP
(tua)
(OBL)
gadu
mountain
tua
OBL
vuluq.
spear
Q‹m›ałup atsautsau tua vavuy i (tua) gadu tua vuluq.
‹AV›hunt DIR man OBL pig PREP (OBL) mountain OBL spear
"The man hunts the pigs in the mountains with a spear."
Qałup-en
hunt-PV
nua
ERG
tsautsau
man
a
DIR
vavuy
pig
i
PREP
(tua)
(OBL)
gadu
mountain
tua
OBL
vuluq.
spear
Qałup-en nua tsautsau avavuy i (tua) gadu tua vuluq.
hunt-PV ERG man DIR pig PREP (OBL) mountain OBL spear
"The man hunts the pigs in the mountains with a spear." (or "The pigs are hunted by the man in the mountains with a spear.")
Qałup-an
hunt-LV
nua
ERG
tsautsau
man
tua
OBL
vavuy
pig
a
DIR
gadu
mountain
tua
OBL
vuluq.
spear
Qałup-an nua tsautsau tua vavuy agadu tua vuluq.
hunt-LV ERG man OBL pig DIR mountain OBL spear
"The man hunts the pigs in the mountains with a spear." (or "The mountains are hunted the pigs in by the man with a spear.")
Si-qałup
IV-hunt
nua
ERG
tsautsau
man
tua
OBL
vavuy
pig
i
PREP
(tua)
(OBL)
gadu
mountain
a
DIR
vuluq.
spear
Si-qałup nua tsautsau tua vavuy i (tua) gadu avuluq.
IV-hunt ERG man OBL pig PREP (OBL) mountain DIR spear
"The man hunts the pigs in the mountains with a spear." (or "The spear is hunted the pigs with by the man in the mountains.")
Pazeh
Pazeh,[23] which became extinct in 2010, had four voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Locative Voice, and Instrument Voice.
The direct case morpheme, which marks the subject in Pazeh, is ki.
Mu-ngazip
AV-bite
yaku
1SG
ki
DIR
wazu.
dog
Mu-ngazip yaku kiwazu.
AV-bite 1SG DIR dog
"The dog bit me."
Ngazib-en
bite-PV
wazu
dog
lia
ASP
ki
DIR
rakihan.
child
Ngazib-en wazu lia kirakihan.
bite-PV dog ASP DIR child
"A dog bit the child." (or The child was bitten by a dog.")
Pu-batu’-an
pave-stone-LV
lia
ASP
ki
DIR
babaw
above
daran.
road
Pu-batu’-an lia kibabawdaran.
pave-stone-LV ASP DIR above road
"The road surface was paved with stones."
Saa-talek
IV-cook
alaw
fish
ki
DIR
bulayan.
pan
Saa-talek alaw kibulayan.
IV-cook fish DIR pan
"The pan was cooked fish with."
Puyuma
Puyuma[24] has four voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Locative Voice, and Circumstantial Voice.
The circumstantial voice suffix selects for benefactee and instrument subjects.
The direct case morpheme, which marks the subject in Puyuma, is na or i.
Tr‹em›akaw
‹AT.RL›steal
dra
ACC
paisu
money
i
DIR
Isaw.
Isaw
Tr‹em›akaw dra paisu iIsaw.
‹AT.RL›steal ACC money DIR Isaw
"Isaw stole money."
Tu=trakaw-aw
3.ERG=steal-PT.RL
na
DIR
paisu
money
kan
ERG
Isaw.
Isaw
Tu=trakaw-awnapaisu kan Isaw.
3.ERG=steal-PT.RL DIR money ERG Isaw
"Isaw stole the money." (or "The money was stolen by Isaw.")
Tu=trakaw-ay=ku
3.ERG=steal-LT.RL=1SG.DIR
dra
ACC
paisu
money
kan
ERG
Isaw.
Isaw
Tu=trakaw-ay=ku dra paisu kan Isaw.
3.ERG=steal-LT.RL=1SG.DIR ACC money ERG Isaw
"Isaw stole money from me." (or "I was stolen money from by Isaw.")
Tu=trakaw-anay
3.ERG=steal-CT.RL
i
DIR
tinataw
his.mother
dra
ACC
paisu.
money
Tu=trakaw-anayitinataw dra paisu.
3.ERG=steal-CT.RL DIR his.mother ACC money
"He stole money for his mother." (or "Hisi mother was stolen money for by himi.")
Ku=dirus-anay
1SG.ERG=wash-CT.RL
na
DIR
enay
water
kan
ACC
Aliwaki.
Aliwaki
Ku=dirus-anaynaenay kan Aliwaki.
1SG.ERG=wash-CT.RL DIR water ACC Aliwaki
"I washed Aliwaki with water." (or "The water was washed Aliwaki with by me.")
Seediq
The two dialects of Seediq presented below each have a different number of voices. The direct case morpheme, which marks the subject in both dialects, is ka.
Tgdaya
Tgdaya[26] has four voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Locative Voice and Instrument Voice.
S‹em›ebuc
‹AV›hit
ricah
plum
ka
DIR
Pawan.
Pawan
S‹em›ebuc ricah kaPawan.
‹AV›hit plum DIR Pawan
"Pawan is hitting plums."
Sebet-un
hit-PV
na
ERG
Pawan
Pawan
ka
DIR
ricah.
plum
Sebet-un na Pawan karicah.
hit-PV ERG Pawan DIR plum
"Pawan is hitting the plum." (or "The plum is being hit by Pawan.")
Sebet-an
hit-LV
na
ERG
Pawan
Pawan
ricah
plum
ka
DIR
peepah.
farm.field
Sebet-an na Pawan ricah kapeepah.
hit-LV ERG Pawan plum DIR farm.field
"Pawan is hitting plums in the farm field." (or "The farm field is being hit plums in by Pawan.")
Se-sebuc
IV-hit
na
ERG
Pawan
Pawan
ricah
plum
ka
DIR
butakan.
stick
Se-sebuc na Pawan ricah kabutakan.
IV-hit ERG Pawan plum DIR stick
"Pawan is hitting plums with the stick." (or "The stick is being hit plums with by Pawan.")
Truku
Truku[27] has three voices: Actor Voice, Goal Voice, and Circumstantial Voice.
The goal voice suffix selects for patient and location subjects. The circumstantial voice prefix selects for benefactee and instrument subjects.
K‹em›erut
‹AV›cut
babuy
pig
ka
DIR
Masaw.
Masaw
K‹em›erut babuy kaMasaw.
‹AV›cut pig DIR Masaw
"Masaw slaughters a/the pig."
Keret-an
cut-GV
Masaw
Masaw
ka
DIR
babuy.
pig
Keret-an Masaw kababuy.
cut-GV Masaw DIR pig
"Masaw slaughters the pig." (or "The pig is slaughtered by Masaw.")
Keret-an
cut-GV
laqi
child
sagas
watermelon
ka
DIR
keti’inuh
board
ni’i.
this
Keret-an laqi sagas kaketi’inuhni’i.
cut-GV child watermelon DIR board this
"The child cuts watermelon on this board." (or "This board is cut watermelon on by the child.")
Se-kerut
CV-cut
babuy
pig
Masaw
Masaw
ka
DIR
baki.
old.man
Se-kerut babuy Masaw kabaki.
CV-cut pig Masaw DIR old.man
"Masaw slaughters a/the pig for the old man." (or "The old man is slaughtered a/the pig for by Masaw.")
Se-kerut
CV-cut
babuy
pig
Masaw
Masaw
ka
DIR
puting.
knife
Se-kerut babuy Masaw kaputing.
CV-cut pig Masaw DIR knife
"Masaw slaughters a/the pig with the knife." (or "The knife is slaughtered a/the pig with by Masaw.")
Tsou
Tsou[28] has four voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Locative Voice, and Benefactive Voice. In addition to the voice morphology on the main verb, auxiliary verbs in Tsou, which are obligatory in the sentence,[29] are also marked for voice. However, auxiliaries only differentiate between Actor Voice and non-Actor Voice[30] (in green text).
The direct case morpheme, which marks subjects in Tsou, is ’o.
Mi-’o
AUX.AV-1SG.DIR
mo-si
AV-put
to
OBL
peisu
money
ne
OBL
Nookay.
Nookay
Mi-’omo-si to peisu ne Nookay.
AUX.AV-1SG.DIR AV-put OBL money OBL Nookay
"I deposit money in Nookay."
Os-’o
AUX.NAV-1SG.ERG
si-a
put-PV
to
OBL
panka
table
’o
DIR
peisu.
money
Os-’o si-a to panka ’opeisu.
AUX.NAV-1SG.ERG put-PV OBL table DIR money
"I put the money on the/a table." (or "The money was put on the/a table by me.")
Os-’o
AUX.NAV-1SG.ERG
si-i
put-LV
to
OBL
chumu
water
’o
DIR
kopu.
cup
Os-’o si-i to chumu ’okopu.
AUX.NAV-1SG.ERG put-LV OBL water DIR cup
"I put water into the cup." (or "The cup was put water into by me.")
Os-’o
AUX.NAV-1SG.ERG
si-i-neni
put-LV-BV
to
OBL
ocha
tea
’o
DIR
Pasuya.
Pasuya
Os-’o si-i-neni to ocha ’oPasuya.
AUX.NAV-1SG.ERG put-LV-BV OBL tea DIR Pasuya
"I served tea for Pasuya." (or "Pasuya was served tea for by me.")
Batanic examples
The data below come from the Batanic languages, a subgroup under Malayo-Polynesian. These languages are spoken on the islands found in the Luzon Strait, between Taiwan and the Philippines.
Ivatan
Ivatan[32][33] has four voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Locative Voice, and Circumstantial Voice.
The circumstantial voice prefix selects for instrument and benefactee subjects.
The direct case morpheme, which marks the subject in Ivatan, is qo.
Mangamoqmo
m-pang-qamoqmo
AV-¿?-frighten
qo
DIR
tao
man
so
ACC
motdeh
child
no
IND
boday
snake
do
OBL
vahay.
house
Mangamoqmo qotao so motdeh no boday do vahay.
m-pang-qamoqmo {} {} {} {} {} {} {} {}
AV-¿?-frighten DIR man ACC child IND snake OBL house
"The man is frightening a child with a snake in the house."
Qamoqmo-hen
frighten-PV
no
IND
tao
man
qo
DIR
motdeh
child
no
IND
boday
snake
do
OBL
vahay.
house
Qamoqmo-hen no tao qomotdeh no boday do vahay.
frighten-PV IND man DIR child IND snake OBL house
"The man is frightening a child with a snake in the house." (or "A child is being frightened with a snake in the house by the man.")
Pangamoqmoan
pang-qamoqmo-an
¿?-frighten-LV
no
IND
tao
man
so
ACC
motdeh
child
no
IND
boday
snake
qo
DIR
vahay.
house
Pangamoqmoan no tao so motdeh no boday qovahay.
pang-qamoqmo-an {} {} {} {} {} {} {} {}
¿?-frighten-LV IND man ACC child IND snake DIR house
"The man is frightening a child with a snake in the house." (or "The house is being frightened a child in with a snake by the man.")
Qipangamoqmo
qi-pang-qamoqmo
CV-¿?-frighten
no
IND
tao
man
so
ACC
motdeh
child
qo
DIR
boday
snake
do
OBL
vahay.
house
Qipangamoqmo no tao so motdeh qoboday do vahay.
qi-pang-qamoqmo {} {} {} {} {} {} {} {}
CV-¿?-frighten IND man ACC child DIR snake OBL house
"The man is frightening a child with a snake in the house." (or "The snake is being frightened a child with in the house by the man.")
Qipangamoqmo
qi-pang-qamoqmo
CV-¿?-frighten
no
IND
tao
man
so
ACC
motdeh
child
no
IND
boday
snake
do
OBL
vahay
house
qo
DIR
kayvan-a.
friend-3SG.GEN
Qipangamoqmo no tao so motdeh no boday do vahay qokayvan-a.
qi-pang-qamoqmo {} {} {} {} {} {} {} {} {} {}
CV-¿?-frighten IND man ACC child IND snake OBL house DIR friend-3SG.GEN
"The man is frightening a child with a snake in the house for his friend." (or "Hisi friend is being frightened a child for with a snake in the house by the mani.")
Yami
Yami[37] has four voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Locative Voice, and Instrument Voice.
The direct case morpheme, which marks subjects in Yami, is si for proper names, and o for common nouns.
K‹om›an
‹AV›eat
so
OBL
wakay
sweet potato
si
DIR
Salang.
Salang
K‹om›an so wakay siSalang.
‹AV›eat OBL {sweet potato} DIR Salang
"Salang ate a sweet potato."
Kan-en
eat-PV
na
3SG.ERG
ni
ERG
Salang
Salang
o
DIR
wakay.
sweet potato
Kan-en na ni Salang owakay.
eat-PV 3SG.ERG ERG Salang DIR {sweet potato}
"Salang ate the sweet potato." (or "The sweet potato was eaten by Salang.")
Ni-akan-an
ASP-eat-LV
na
3SG.ERG
o
DIR
mogis
rice
ori
that
ni
ERG
Salang.
Salang
Ni-akan-an na omogisori ni Salang.
ASP-eat-LV 3SG.ERG DIR rice that ERG Salang
"Salang ate from some of that rice." (or "Some of that rice was eaten from by Salang.")
I-akan
IV-eat
na
3SG.ERG
ni
ERG
Salang
Salang
o
DIR
among
fish
ya.
this
I-akan na ni Salang oamongya.
IV-eat 3SG.ERG ERG Salang DIR fish this
"Salang ate (a meal) with this fish." (or "This fish was eaten (a meal) with by Salang.")
Philippine examples
The data below come from Philippine languages, a subgroup under Malayo-Polynesian, predominantly spoken across the Philippines, with some found on the island of Sulawesi in Indonesia.
Blaan
Blaan[38][39][40] has four voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Instrument Voice, and Non-Actor Voice.
The non-Actor Voice affix selects for patient and location subjects, depending on the inherent voice of the verb.
Cebuano
Cebuano[44] has four voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Circumstantial Voice, and Instrument Voice.
The circumstantial voice suffix selects for location, benefactee and goal subjects.
The direct case morpheme, which marks the subject in Cebuano, is ang or si.
Mo-lutò
AV-cook
si
DIR
Maria
Maria
ug
ACC
kalamáy
type.of.dessert
para
for
kang
OBL
Pedro.
Pedro
Mo-lutò siMaria ug kalamáy para kang Pedro.
AV-cook DIR Maria ACC type.of.dessert for OBL Pedro
"Maria will cook kalamáy for Pedro."
Luto-on
cook-PV
sa
ERG
babaye
woman
ang
DIR
bugás
rice
sa
OBL
lata.
can
Luto-on sa babaye angbugás sa lata.
cook-PV ERG woman DIR rice OBL can
"The woman will cook the rice in the can." (or "The rice will be cooked by the woman in the can.")
Luto-an
cook-CV
sa
ERG
babaye
woman
ang
DIR
lata
can
ug
ACC
bugás.
rice
Luto-an sa babaye anglata ug bugás.
cook-CV ERG woman DIR can ACC rice
"The woman will cook rice in the can." (or "The can will be cooked rice in by the woman.")
Luto-an
cook-CV
ni
ERG
Maria
Maria
si
DIR
Pedro
Pedro
ug
ACC
kalamáy.
type.of.dessert
Luto-an ni Maria siPedro ug kalamáy.
cook-CV ERG Maria DIR Pedro ACC type.of.dessert
"Maria will cook Pedro kalamáy." (or "Pedro will be cooked kalamáy for by Maria.")
Sulat-án
write-CV
ni
ERG
Inday
Inday
si
DIR
Perla
Perla
ug
ACC
sulat.
letter
Sulat-án ni Inday siPerla ug sulat.
write-CV ERG Inday DIR Perla ACC letter
"Inday will write Perla a letter." (or "Perla will be written a letter to by Inday.")
I-sulát
IV-write
ni
ERG
Linda
Linda
ang
DIR
lapis
pencil
ug
ACC
sulat.
letter
I-sulát ni Linda anglapis ug sulat.
IV-write ERG Linda DIR pencil ACC letter
"Linda will write a letter with the pencil." (or "The pencil will be written a letter with by Linda.")
Kalagan
Kalagan[45] has four voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Instrument Voice, and Circumstantial Voice.
The circumstantial voice suffix selects for benefactee and location subjects.
The direct case morpheme, which marks the subject in Kalagan, is ya. The direct case form of the first person, singular pronoun is aku, whereas the ergative case form is ku.
K‹um›amang
‹AV›get
aku
1SG.DIR
sa
OBL
tubig
water
na
PREP
lata
can
kan
for
Ma’
Dad
adti
on
balkon
porch
na
PREP
lunis.
Monday
K‹um›amang aku sa tubig na lata kan Ma’ adti balkon na lunis.
‹AV›get 1SG.DIR OBL water PREP can for Dad on porch PREP Monday
"I will get the water with the can for Dad on the porch on Monday."
Kamang-in
get-PV
ku
1SG.ERG
ya
DIR
tubig
water
na
PREP
lata
can
kan
for
Ma’
Dad
adti
on
balkon
porch
na
PREP
lunis.
Monday
Kamang-in ku yatubig na lata kan Ma’ adti balkon na lunis.
get-PV 1SG.ERG DIR water PREP can for Dad on porch PREP Monday
"I will get the water with the can for Dad on the porch on Monday." (or "The water will be gotten by me with the can for Dad on the porch on Monday.")
Pag-kamang
IV-get
ku
1SG.ERG
ya
DIR
lata
can
sa
OBL
tubig
water
kan
for
Ma’
Dad
adti
on
balkon
porch
na
PREP
lunis.
Monday
Pag-kamang ku yalata sa tubig kan Ma’ adti balkon na lunis.
IV-get 1SG.ERG DIR can OBL water for Dad on porch PREP Monday
"I will get the water with the can for Dad on the porch on Monday." (or "The can will be gotten the water with by me for Dad on the porch on Monday.")
Kamang-an
get-CV
ku
1SG.ERG
ya
DIR
Ma’
Dad
sa
OBL
tubig
water
na
PREP
lata
can
adti
on
balkon
porch
na
PREP
lunis.
Monday
Kamang-an ku yaMa’ sa tubig na lata adti balkon na lunis.
get-CV 1SG.ERG DIR Dad OBL water PREP can on porch PREP Monday
"I will get the water with the can for Dad on the porch on Monday." (or "Dad will be gotten the water for by me with the can on the porch on Monday.")
Kamang-an
get-CV
ku
1SG.ERG
ya
DIR
balkon
porch
sa
OBL
tubig
water
na
PREP
lata
can
kan
for
Ma’
Dad
na
PREP
lunis.
Monday
Kamang-an ku yabalkon sa tubig na lata kan Ma’ na lunis.
get-CV 1SG.ERG DIR porch OBL water PREP can for Dad PREP Monday
"I will get the water with the can for Dad on the porch on Monday." (or "The porch will be gotten the water from by me with the can for Dad on Monday.")
Kapampangan
Kapampangan[46] has five voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Goal Voice, Locative Voice, and Circumstantial Voice.
The circumstantial voice prefix selects for instrument and benefactee subjects.
The direct case morpheme in Kapampangan is ing, which marks singular subjects, and reng, which is for plural subjects. Non-subject agents are marked with ergative case, ning, while non-subject patients are marked with accusative case, -ng, which is cliticized onto the preceding word.[47]
S‹um›ulat
‹AV›will.write
yang
ya=ng
3SG.DIR=ACC
poesia
poem
ing
DIR
lalaki
boy
gamit
OBL
pen
pen
king
OBL
papil.
paper
S‹um›ulat yang poesia inglalaki gamit pen king papil.
{} ya=ng {} {} {} {} {} {} {}
‹AV›will.write 3SG.DIR=ACC poem DIR boy OBL pen OBL paper
"The boy will write a poem with a pen on the paper."
I-sulat
PV-will.write
ne
na+ya
3SG.ERG+3SG.DIR
ning
ERG
lalaki
boy
ing
DIR
poesia
poem
king
OBL
mestra.
teacher.F
I-sulat ne ning lalaki ingpoesia king mestra.
{} na+ya {} {} {} {} {} {}
PV-will.write 3SG.ERG+3SG.DIR ERG boy DIR poem OBL teacher.F
"The boy will write the poem to the teacher." (or "The poem will be written by boy to the teacher.")
Sulat-anan
will.write-GV
ne
na+ya
3SG.ERG+3SG.DIR
ning
ERG
lalaki
boy
ing
DIR
mestro.
teacher.M
Sulat-anan ne ning lalaki ingmestro.
{} na+ya {} {} {} {}
will.write-GV 3SG.ERG+3SG.DIR ERG boy DIR teacher.M
"The boy will write to the teacher." (or "The teacher will be written to by the boy.")
Pi-sulat-an
LV-will.write-LV
neng
na+ya=ng
3SG.ERG+3SG.DIR=ACC
poesia
poem
ning
ERG
lalaki
boy
ing
DIR
blackboard.
blackboard
Pi-sulat-an neng poesia ning lalaki ingblackboard.
{} na+ya=ng {} {} {} {} {}
LV-will.write-LV 3SG.ERG+3SG.DIR=ACC poem ERG boy DIR blackboard
"The boy will write a poem on the blackboard." (or "The blackboard will be written a poem on by the boy.")
Panyulat
paN-sulat
CV-will.write
neng
na+ya=ng
3SG.ERG+3SG.DIR=ACC
poesia
poem
ning
ERG
lalaki
boy
ing
DIR
pen.
pen
Panyulat neng poesia ning lalaki ingpen.
paN-sulat na+ya=ng {} {} {} {} {}
CV-will.write 3SG.ERG+3SG.DIR=ACC poem ERG boy DIR pen
"The boy will write a poem with the pen." (or "The pen will be written a poem with by the boy.")
Pamasa
paN-basa
CV-will.read
nong
na+la=ng
3SG.ERG+3PL.DIR=ACC
libru
book
ning
ERG
babai
woman
reng
PL.DIR
anak.
child
Pamasa nong libru ning babai renganak.
paN-basa na+la=ng {} {} {} {} {}
CV-will.read 3SG.ERG+3PL.DIR=ACC book ERG woman PL.DIR child
"The woman will read a book for the children." (or "The children will be read a book for by the woman.")
Limos Kalinga
Limos Kalinga[48] has five voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Locative Voice, Benefactive Voice and Instrument Voice.
Except for when the subject is the agent, the subject is found directly after the agent in the clause.
Nandalus
n-man-dalus
ASP-AV-wash
si
DIR
Malia=t
Malia=OBL
danat
PL
palatu.
plate
Nandalus siMalia=t danat palatu.
n-man-dalus {} {} {} {}
ASP-AV-wash DIR Malia=OBL PL plate
"Malia washed some plates."
Binayum
b‹in›ayu-∅=m
‹ASP›pound-PV=2SG.ERG
din
DIR
pagoy.
rice
Binayum dinpagoy.
b‹in›ayu-∅=m {} {}
‹ASP›pound-PV=2SG.ERG DIR rice
"You pounded the rice." (or "The rice was pounded by you.")
D‹in›alus-an
‹ASP›wash-LV
ud
ERG
Malia
Malia
danat
DIR.PL
palatu.
plate
D‹in›alus-an ud Malia danatpalatu.
‹ASP›wash-LV ERG Malia DIR.PL plate
"Malia washed the plates." (or "The plates were washed by Malia.")
I-n-dalus-an
BV-ASP-wash-BV
ud
ERG
Malia
Malia
si
DIR
ina=na=t
mother=3SG.GEN=OBL
nat
SG
palatu.
plate
I-n-dalus-an ud Malia siina=na=t nat palatu.
BV-ASP-wash-BV ERG Malia DIR mother=3SG.GEN=OBL SG plate
"Malia washed a plate for her mother." (or "Heri mother was washed a plate for by Maliai.")
I-n-dalus
IV-ASP-wash
ud
ERG
Malia
Malia
nat
DIR
sabun
soap
sinat
OBL.SG
palatu.
plate
I-n-dalus ud Malia natsabun sinat palatu.
IV-ASP-wash ERG Malia DIR soap OBL.SG plate
"Malia washed a plate with the soap." (or "The soap was washed a plate with by Malia.")
Maranao
Maranao[50] has four voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Circumstantial Voice, and Instrument Voice.
The circumstantial suffix selects for benefactee and location subjects.
The direct case morpheme, which marks the subject in Maranao, is so.
S‹om›ombali’
‹AV›butcher
so
DIR
mama’
man
sa
OBL
karabao
water.buffalo
ko
PREP
maior.
mayor
S‹om›ombali’ somama’ sa karabao ko maior.
‹AV›butcher DIR man OBL water.buffalo PREP mayor
"The man will butcher water buffalo for the mayor."
Sombali’-in
butcher-PV
o
ERG
mama’
man
so
DIR
karabao.
water.buffalo
Sombali’-in o mama’ sokarabao.
butcher-PV ERG man DIR water.buffalo
"The man will butcher the water buffalo." (or "The water buffalo will be butchered by the man.")
Sombali’-an
butcher-CV
o
ERG
mama’
man
so
DIR
maior
mayor
sa
OBL
karabao.
water.buffalo
Sombali’-an o mama’ somaior sa karabao.
butcher-CV ERG man DIR mayor OBL water.buffalo
"The man will butcher water buffalo for the mayor." (or "The mayor will be butchered water buffalo for by the man.")
Koaq-an
get-CV
o
ERG
mama’
man
sa
OBL
bolong
medicine
so
DIR
tinda.
store
Koaq-an o mama’ sa bolong sotinda.
get-CV ERG man OBL medicine DIR store
"The man will get the medicine at/from the store." (or "The store will be gotten medicine at/from by the man.")
I-sombali’
butcher-IV
o
ERG
mama’
man
so
DIR
gelat
knife
ko
PREP
karabao.
water.buffalo
I-sombali’ o mama’ sogelat ko karabao.
butcher-IV ERG man DIR knife PREP water.buffalo
"The man will butcher the water buffalo with the knife." (or "The knife will be butchered the water buffalo with by the man.")
Palawan
Palawan[51] has four voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Instrument Voice, and Circumstantial Voice.
The circumstantial voice suffix selects for benefactee and location subjects.
‹Mog›lamuʔ
‹ASP.AV›cook
libun
woman
in
that.DIR
ot
IND
lugow
congee
kot
for
mosakit
sick person
sot
on
apuy.
fire
‹Mog›lamuʔ libunin ot lugow kot mosakit sot apuy.
‹ASP.AV›cook woman that.DIR IND congee for {sick person} on fire
"The woman will cook congee on the fire for the sick person."
La~lamuʔ-on
ASP~cook-PV
ot
IND
libun
woman
lugow
congee
in
that.DIR
kot
for
mosakit
sick person
sot
on
apuy.
fire
La~lamuʔ-on ot libun lugowin kot mosakit sot apuy.
ASP~cook-PV IND woman congee that.DIR for {sick person} on fire
"The woman will cook the congee on the fire for the sick person." (or "The congee will be cooked on the fire for the sick person by the woman.")
I-la~lamuʔ
IV-ASP~cook
ot
IND
libun
woman
lugow
congee
kot
for
mosakit
sick person
apuy
fire
in.
that.DIR
I-la~lamuʔ ot libun lugow kot mosakit apuyin.
IV-ASP~cook IND woman congee for {sick person} fire that.DIR
"The woman will cook congee with the fire for the sick person." (or "The fire will be cooked congee with for the sick person by the woman.")
La~lamuʔ-an
ASP~cook-CV
ot
IND
libun
woman
ot
IND
lugow
congee
sot
on
apuy
fire
mosakit
sick person
in.
that.DIR
La~lamuʔ-an ot libun ot lugow sot apuy mosakitin.
ASP~cook-CV IND woman IND congee on fire {sick person} that.DIR
"The woman will cook congee on the fire for the sick person." (or "The sick person will be cooked congee for on the fire by the woman.")
La~lamuʔ-an
ASP~cook-CV
ot
IND
libun
woman
ot
IND
lugow
congee
kot
for
mosakit
sick person
apuy
fire
in.
that.DIR
La~lamuʔ-an ot libun ot lugow kot mosakit apuyin.
ASP~cook-CV IND woman IND congee for {sick person} fire that.DIR
"The woman will cook congee on the fire for the sick person." (or "The fire will be cooked congee on for the sick person by the woman.")
Subanen
Subanen[52] has three voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, and Circumstantial Voice.
The examples below are from Western Subanon, and the direct case morpheme in this language is og.
S‹um›aluy
‹ASP.AV›buy
og
DIR
polopanad
teacher
nog
IND
kolatas.
paper
S‹um›aluy ogpolopanad nog kolatas.
‹ASP.AV›buy DIR teacher IND paper
"A teacher will buy some paper."
Soluy-on
buy-ASP.PV
nog
IND
polopanad
teacher
og
DIR
kolatas.
paper
Soluy-on nog polopanad ogkolatas.
buy-ASP.PV IND teacher DIR paper
"A teacher will buy some paper." (or "Some paper will be bought by a teacher.")
Soluy-an
buy-ASP.CV
nog
IND
polopanad
teacher
og
DIR
bata′
child
nog
IND
kolatas.
paper
Soluy-an nog polopanad ogbata′ nog kolatas.
buy-ASP.CV IND teacher DIR child IND paper
"A teacher will buy some paper for a child." (or "A child will be bought some paper for by a teacher.")
Tagalog
Tagalog has six voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Locative Voice, Benefactive Voice, Instrument Voice, and Reason Voice.
The locative voice suffix selects for location and goal subjects. (In the examples below, the goal subject and the benefactee subject are the same noun phrase.)
The reason voice prefix can only be affixed to certain roots, the majority of which are for emotion verbs (e.g., galit "be angry", sindak "be shocked"). However, verb roots such as matay "die", sakit "get sick", and iyak "cry" may also be marked with the reason voice prefix.
The direct case morpheme, which marks subjects in Tagalog, is ang. The indirect case morpheme, ng /naŋ/, which is the conflation of the ergative and accusative cases seen in Proto-Malayo-Polynesian, marks non-subject agents and non-subject patients.
B‹um›ili
‹ASP.AV›buy
ng
IND
mangga
mango
sa
OBL
palengke
market
para
for
sa
OBL
ale
woman
sa
OBL
pamamagitan
means
ng
IND
pera
money
ang
DIR
mama.
man
B‹um›ili ng mangga sa palengke para sa ale sa pamamagitan ng pera angmama.
‹ASP.AV›buy IND mango OBL market for OBL woman OBL means IND money DIR man
"The man bought a mango at the market for the woman by means of money."
B‹in›ili-∅
‹ASP›buy-PV
ng
IND
mama
man
sa
OBL
palengke
market
para
for
sa
OBL
ale
woman
sa
OBL
pamamagitan
means
ng
IND
pera
money
ang
DIR
mangga.
mango
B‹in›ili-∅ ng mama sa palengke para sa ale sa pamamagitan ng pera angmangga.
‹ASP›buy-PV IND man OBL market for OBL woman OBL means IND money DIR mango
"The man bought the mango at the market for the woman by means of money." (or "The mango was bought by the man at the market for the woman by means of money.")
B‹in›ilh-an
‹ASP›buy-LV
ng
IND
mama
man
ng
IND
mangga
mango
para
for
sa
OBL
ale
woman
sa
OBL
pamamagitan
means
ng
IND
pera
money
ang
DIR
palengke.
market
B‹in›ilh-an ng mama ng mangga para sa ale sa pamamagitan ng pera angpalengke.
‹ASP›buy-LV IND man IND mango for OBL woman OBL means IND money DIR market
"The man bought a mango at the market for the woman by means of money." (or "At the market was bought a mango by the man for the woman by means of money.")
B‹in›ilh-an
‹ASP›buy-LV
ng
IND
mama
man
ng
IND
mangga
mango
sa
OBL
palengke
market
sa
OBL
pamamagitan
means
ng
IND
pera
money
ang
DIR
ale.
woman
B‹in›ilh-an ng mama ng mangga sa palengke sa pamamagitan ng pera angale.
‹ASP›buy-LV IND man IND mango OBL market OBL means IND money DIR woman
"The man bought a mango at the market for the woman by means of money." (or "The woman was bought a mango for by the man at the market by means of money.")
I-b‹in›ili
BV-‹ASP›buy
ng
IND
mama
man
ng
IND
mangga
mango
sa
OBL
palengke
market
sa
OBL
pamamagitan
means
ng
IND
pera
money
ang
DIR
ale.
woman
I-b‹in›ili ng mama ng mangga sa palengke sa pamamagitan ng pera angale.
BV-‹ASP›buy IND man IND mango OBL market OBL means IND money DIR woman
"The man bought a mango at the market for the woman by means of money." (or "The woman was bought a mango for by the man at the market by means of money.")
Ipinambili
Ip‹in›aN-bili
‹ASP›IV-buy
ng
IND
mama
man
ng
IND
mangga
mango
sa
OBL
palengke
market
para
for
sa
OBL
ale
woman
ang
DIR
pera.
money
Ipinambili ng mama ng mangga sa palengke para sa ale angpera.
Ip‹in›aN-bili {} {} {} {} {} {} {} {} {} {} {}
‹ASP›IV-buy IND man IND mango OBL market for OBL woman DIR money
"The man bought a mango at the market for the woman by means of money." (or "The money was bought a mango with by the man at the market for the woman.")
Ik‹in›a-iyak
‹ASP›RV-cry
ng
IND
bata
child
ang
DIR
pag-kagat
NMLZ-bite
sa
OBL
kaniya
3SG.OBL
ng
IND
langgam.
ant
Ik‹in›a-iyak ng bata angpag-kagatsakaniyanglanggam.
‹ASP›RV-cry IND child DIR NMLZ-bite OBL 3SG.OBL IND ant
"The child cried because an/the ant bit him." (or "An/the ant's biting of him was cried about by the child.")
‹Um›iyak
‹ASP.AV›cry
ang
DIR
bata
child
dahil
because
k‹in›agat-∅
‹ASP›bite-PV
siya
3SG.DIR
ng
IND
langgam.
ant
‹Um›iyak angbata dahil k‹in›agat-∅siya ng langgam.
‹ASP.AV›cry DIR child because ‹ASP›bite-PV 3SG.DIR IND ant
"The child cried because an/the ant bit him." (or "The child cried because he was bitten by an/the ant.")
Tondano
Tondano[55] has four voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Locative Voice, and Circumstantial Voice.
The circumstantial Voice selects for instrument, benefactee, and theme subjects.
The subject is found in sentence-initial position, before the verb.
Si
AN.SG
tuama
man
k‹um›eoŋ
‹AV›will.pull
roda
cart
wo
with
n-tali
INAN-rope
waki
to
pasar.
market
Situama k‹um›eoŋ roda wo n-tali waki pasar.
AN.SG man ‹AV›will.pull cart with INAN-rope to market
"The man will pull the cart with the rope to the market."
Roda
cart
keoŋ-ən
will.pull-PV
ni
ERG.AN.SG
tuama
man
wo
with
n-tali
INAN-rope
waki
to
pasar.
market
Roda keoŋ-ən ni tuama wo n-tali waki pasar.
cart will.pull-PV ERG.AN.SG man with INAN-rope to market
"The man will pull the cart with the rope to the market." (or "The cart will be pulled with rope to the market by the man.")
Pasar
market
keoŋ-an
will.pull-LV
ni
ERG.AN.SG
tuama
man
roda
cart
wo
with
n-tali.
INAN-rope
Pasar keoŋ-an ni tuama roda wo n-tali.
market will.pull-LV ERG.AN.SG man cart with INAN-rope
"The man will pull the cart with the rope to the market." (or "The market will be pulled the cart to with the rope by the man.")
Tali
rope
i-keoŋ
CV-will.pull
ni
ERG.AN.SG
tuama
man
roda
cart
waki
to
pasar.
market
Talii-keoŋ ni tuama roda waki pasar.
rope CV-will.pull ERG.AN.SG man cart to market
"The man will pull the cart with the rope to the market." (or "The rope will be pulled the cart with to the market by the man.")
Se
AN.PL
okiʔ
child
i-lutuʔ
CV-will.cook
ni
ERG.AN.SG
mama
mother
seraʔ
fish
Seokiʔi-lutuʔ ni mama seraʔ
AN.PL child CV-will.cook ERG.AN.SG mother fish
"Mother will cook fish for the children." (or "The children will be cooked fish for by mother.")
Ləloŋkotan
ladder
i-wareŋ
CV-will.return
ni
ERG.AN.SG
tuama
man
waki
to
wale.
house
Ləloŋkotani-wareŋ ni tuama waki wale.
ladder CV-will.return ERG.AN.SG man to house
"The man will return the ladder to the house." (or "The ladder will be returned by the man to the house.")
North Bornean examples
The data below come from North Bornean languages, a grouping under Malayo-Polynesian, mainly spoken on the northern parts of Borneo, spanning administrative areas of Malaysia and Indonesia.
Bonggi
Bonggi[56][57] has four voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Instrumental Voice, and Circumstantial Voice.
The circumstantial voice suffix selects for benefactee and goal subjects.
The subject is found in sentence-initial position, before the verb.
Sia
3SG.DIR
imagi
in-N-bagi
RL-AV-divide
louk
fish
nyu.
2PL.GEN
Sia imagi louk nyu.
{} in-N-bagi {} {}
3SG.DIR RL-AV-divide fish 2PL.GEN
"He divided your fish."
Louk
fish
nyu
2PL.GEN
biagi
b‹in›agi-∅
‹RL›divide-PV
nya.
3SG.ERG
Louknyu biagi nya.
{} {} b‹in›agi-∅ {}
fish 2PL.GEN ‹RL›divide-PV 3SG.ERG
"He divided your fish." (or "Your fish was divided by him.")
Badiʔ
machete
ku
1SG.GEN
pimagi
p‹in›əN-bagi
‹RL›IV-divide
nya
3SG.ERG
louk
fish
nyu.
2PL.GEN
Badiʔku pimagi nya louk nyu.
{} {} p‹in›əN-bagi {} {} {}
machete 1SG.GEN ‹RL›IV-divide 3SG.ERG fish 2PL.GEN
"He divided your fish with my machete." (or "My machete was divided your fish with by him.")
Ou
1SG.DIR
bigiadn
b‹in›agi-adn
‹RL›divide-CV
nya
3SG.ERG
louk
fish
nyu.
2PL.GEN
Ou bigiadn nya louk nyu.
{} b‹in›agi-adn {} {} {}
1SG.DIR ‹RL›divide-CV 3SG.ERG fish 2PL.GEN
"He divided your fish for me." (or "I was divided your fish for by him.")
Ou
1SG.DIR
biniriadn
b‹in›ori-adn
‹RL›give-CV
nya
3SG.ERG
siidn.
money
Ou biniriadn nya siidn.
{} b‹in›ori-adn {} {}
1SG.DIR ‹RL›give-CV 3SG.ERG money
"He gave money to me." (or "I was given money to by him.")
Kadazan Dusun
Kadazan Dusun[59] has three voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice and Benefactive Voice.
The direct case morpheme, which marks the subject in Kadazan Dusun, is i.
Mog-ovit
AV-bring
i
DIR
ama’
father
di
IND
tanak
child
do
ACC
buuk.
book
Mog-ovit iama’ di tanak do buuk.
AV-bring DIR father IND child ACC book
"Father is bringing the child a book."
Ovit-on
bring-PV
di
IND
ama’
father
di
IND
tanak
child
i
DIR
buuk.
book
Ovit-on di ama’ di tanak ibuuk.
bring-PV IND father IND child DIR book
"Father is bringing the child the book." (or "The book is being brought to the child by Father.")
Ovit-an
bring-BV
di
IND
ama’
father
i
DIR
tanak
child
do
ACC
buuk.
book
Ovit-an di ama’ itanak do buuk.
bring-BV IND father DIR child ACC book
"Father is bringing the child a book." (or "The child is being brought a book to by Father.")
Kelabit
Kelabit[60] has three voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice and Instrument Voice.
Unlike other languages presented here, Kelabit does not use case-marking or word-ordering strategies to indicate the subject of the clause.[61] However, certain syntactic processes, such as relativization, target the subject. Relativizing non-subjects results in ungrammatical sentences.[62]
La’ih
man
sineh
that
nenekul
in-N-tekul
ASP-AV-spoon.up
nubaq
rice
nedih
3SG.GEN
ngen
with
seduk.
spoon
La’ihsineh nenekul nubaq nedih ngen seduk.
{} {} in-N-tekul {} {} {} {}
man that ASP-AV-spoon.up rice 3SG.GEN with spoon
"That man spooned his rice up with a spoon."
Sikul
t‹in›ekul-∅
‹ASP›spoon.up-PV
la’ih
man
sineh
that
nubaq
rice
nedih
3SG.GEN
ngen
with
seduk.
spoon.
Sikul la’ih sineh nubaqnedih ngen seduk.
t‹in›ekul-∅ {} {} {} {} {} {}
‹ASP›spoon.up-PV man that rice 3SG.GEN with spoon.
"That man spooned his rice up with a spoon." (or "Hisi rice was spooned up with a spoon by that mani.")
Seduk
spoon
penenekul
p‹in›eN-tekul
‹ASP›IV-spoon.up
la’ih
man
sineh
that
nubaq
rice
nedih.
3SG.GEN
Seduk penenekul la’ih sineh nubaq nedih.
{} p‹in›eN-tekul {} {} {} {}
spoon ‹ASP›IV-spoon.up man that rice 3SG.GEN
"That man spooned his rice up with a spoon." (or "A spoon was spooned hisi rice up with by that mani.")
Kimaragang
Kimaragang[64] has five voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Benefactive Voice, Instrument Voice and Locative Voice.
Only intransitive verbs can be marked with the locative voice suffix,[65] which looks similar to the patient voice suffix.[66]
The direct case marker, which marks the subject in Kimaragang, is it for definite nouns and ot for indefinite nouns.
Mangalapak
m-poN-lapak
AV-TR-split
oku
1SG.DIR
do
IND.INDF
niyuw.
coconut
Mangalapak oku do niyuw.
m-poN-lapak {} {} {}
AV-TR-split 1SG.DIR IND.INDF coconut
"I will split a coconut/some coconuts."
Lapak-on
split-PV
ku
1SG.IND
it
DIR.DEF
niyuw.
coconut
Lapak-on ku itniyuw.
split-PV 1SG.IND DIR.DEF coconut
"I will split the coconuts." (or "The coconuts will be split by me.")
Lapak-an
split-BV
ku
1SG.IND
do
IND.INDF
niyuw
coconut
it
DIR.DEF
wogok.
pig
Lapak-an ku do niyuw itwogok.
split-BV 1SG.IND IND.INDF coconut DIR.DEF pig
"I will split some coconuts for the pigs." (or "The pigs will be split some coconuts for by me.")
Tongo
what
ot
DIR.INDF
pangalapak
∅-poN-lapak
IT-TR-split
nu
2SG.IND
dilo’
that.IND
niyuw
coconut
______?
DIR
Tongo ot pangalapak nu dilo’ niyuw ______?
{} {} ∅-poN-lapak {} {} {} {}
what DIR.INDF IT-TR-split 2SG.IND that.IND coconut DIR
"What will you split those coconuts with?" (or "The thing that will be split those coconuts with by you is what?")
Siombo
where
ot
DIR.INDF
ogom-on
sit-LV
ku
1SG.IND
_____?
DIR
Siombo ot ogom-on ku _____?
where DIR.INDF sit-LV 1SG.IND DIR
"Where shall I sit?" (or "The thing that will be sat upon by me is where?")
Timugon Murut
Timugon Murut[70] has five voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Benefactive Voice, Instrument Voice, and Circumstantial Voice.
There is no direct case marker to mark subjects in Timugon Murut. However, non-subject agents are marked with the ergative case marker, du, while non-subject non-agents are marked with the oblique case marker, da.
Mambali
m-paN-bali
AV-¿?-buy
dŭanduʔ=ti
woman=DET
da=konoon
OBL=clothes
da=dalaiŋ=no
OBL=child=DET
da=sŭab=no
OBL=morning=DET
da=duit=na-no.
OBL=money=3SG.GEN-DET
Mambali dŭanduʔ=ti da=konoon da=dalaiŋ=no da=sŭab=no da=duit=na-no.
m-paN-bali {} {} {} {} {}
AV-¿?-buy woman=DET OBL=clothes OBL=child=DET OBL=morning=DET OBL=money=3SG.GEN-DET
"The woman will buy clothes for the child in the morning with her money."
Bali-on
buy-PV
konoon
clothes
du=dŭanduʔ=ti
ERG=woman=DET
da=dalaiŋ=no
OBL=child=DET
da=sŭab=no
OBL=morning=DET
da=duit=na-no.
OBL=money=3SG.GEN-DET
Bali-onkonoon du=dŭanduʔ=ti da=dalaiŋ=no da=sŭab=no da=duit=na-no.
buy-PV clothes ERG=woman=DET OBL=child=DET OBL=morning=DET OBL=money=3SG.GEN-DET
"The woman will buy clothes for the child in the morning with her money." (or "Clothes will be bought for the child in the morning by the woman with her money.")
Bali-in
buy-BV
dalaiŋ=no
child=DET
da=konoon
OBL=clothes
du=dŭanduʔ=ti
ERG=woman=DET
da=sŭab=no
OBL=morning=DET
da=duit=na-no.
OBL=money=3SG.GEN-DET
Bali-indalaiŋ=no da=konoon du=dŭanduʔ=ti da=sŭab=no da=duit=na-no.
buy-BV child=DET OBL=clothes ERG=woman=DET OBL=morning=DET OBL=money=3SG.GEN-DET
"The woman will buy clothes for the child in the morning with her money." (or "The child will be bought clothes for in the morning by the woman with her money.")
Duit=na-no
money=3SG.GEN-DET
pambabali
paN-CV~bali
¿?-IV~buy
du=dŭanduʔ=ti
ERG=woman=DET
da=konoon
OBL=clothes
da=dalaiŋ=no
OBL=child=DET
da=sŭab=no.
OBL=morning=DET
Duit=na-no pambabali du=dŭanduʔ=ti da=konoon da=dalaiŋ=no da=sŭab=no.
{} paN-CV~bali {} {} {} {}
money=3SG.GEN-DET ¿?-IV~buy ERG=woman=DET OBL=clothes OBL=child=DET OBL=morning=DET
"The woman will buy clothes for the child in the morning with her money." (or "Heri money will be bought clothes with for the child in the morning by the womani.")
Sŭab=na
morning=DET
pambalian
paN-bali-an
¿?-buy-CV
du=dŭanduʔ=ti
ERG=woman=DET
da=konoon
OBL=clothes
da=dalaiŋ=no
OBL=child=DET
da=duit=na-no.
OBL=money=3SG.GEN-DET
Sŭab=na pambalian du=dŭanduʔ=ti da=konoon da=dalaiŋ=no da=duit=na-no.
{} paN-bali-an {} {} {} {}
morning=DET ¿?-buy-CV ERG=woman=DET OBL=clothes OBL=child=DET OBL=money=3SG.GEN-DET
"The woman will buy clothes for the child in the morning with her money." (or "The morning will be bought clothes in for the child by the woman with her money.")
Malayic examples
The data below come from Malayic languages, a subgroup under Malayo-Polynesian, traditionally spoken on parts of Sumatra, the Malay Peninsula, Borneo, and the islands between.
Besemah
Besemah (a dialect of South Barisan Malay spoken in southwestern Sumatra)[71] has two voices: Agentive Voice and Patientive Voice.
Jeme
people
ngambik
ng-ambik
AV-take
sidu
spoon
gale.
all
Jeme ngambik sidu gale.
{} ng-ambik {} {}
people AV-take spoon all
"All people took the spoons."
Sidu
spoon
diambik
di-ambik
PV-take
jeme
people
gale.
all
Sidu diambik jeme gale.
{} di-ambik {} {}
spoon PV-take people all
"The people took all the spoons."
Indonesian
Indonesian[72] has two voices: Actor Voice and Undergoer Voice.
Anak
child
saya
1SG
melihat
me-lihat
AV-see
orang
person
itu.
DIST
Anaksaya melihat orang itu.
{} {} me-lihat {} {}
child 1SG AV-see person DIST
"My child saw that person."
Orang
person
itu
DIST
dilihat
di-lihat
PV-see
anak
child
saya.
1SG
Orang itu dilihat anaksaya.
{} {} di-lihat {} {}
person DIST PV-see child 1SG
"My child saw that person." (or "That person was seen (by) my child.")
Barito examples
The data below represent the Barito languages, and are from a language spoken on Madagascar, off the east coast of Africa. Other languages from Barito are spoken in Indonesia and the Philippines.
Malagasy
Malagasy[73] has three voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, and Circumstantial Voice.
The circumstantial voice suffix selects for instrument and benefactee subjects.
Malagasy does not have a direct case marker. However, the subject is found in sentence-final position.
Mamono
m-aN-vono
AV-TR-kill
akoho
chicken
amin'ny
with'DET
antsy
knife
ny
DET
mpiompy.
farmer
Mamono akoho amin'ny antsy nympiompy.
m-aN-vono {} {} {} {} {}
AV-TR-kill chicken with'DET knife DET farmer
"The farmer kills chickens with the knife."
Vonoin'ny
vono-ina'ny
kill-PV'DET
mpiompy
farmer
amin'ny
with'DET
antsy
knife
ny
DET
akoho.
chicken
Vonoin'ny mpiompy amin'ny antsy nyakoho.
vono-ina'ny {} {} {} {} {}
kill-PV'DET farmer with'DET knife DET chicken
"The farmer kills the chickens with the knife." (or "The chickens are killed with the knife by the farmer.")
Amonoan'ny
aN-vono-ana'ny
TR-kill-CV'DET
mpiompy
farmer
akoho
chicken
ny
DET
antsy.
knife
Amonoan'ny mpiompy akoho nyantsy.
aN-vono-ana'ny {} {} {} {}
TR-kill-CV'DET farmer chicken DET knife
"The farmer kills chickens with the knife." (or "The knife is killed chickens with by the farmer.")
Amonoan'ny
aN-vono-ana'ny
TR-kill-CV'DET
mpiompy
farmer
akoho
chicken
ny
DET
vahiny.
guest
Amonoan'ny mpiompy akoho nyvahiny.
aN-vono-ana'ny {} {} {} {}
TR-kill-CV'DET farmer chicken DET guest
"The farmer kills chickens for the guests." (or "The guests are killed chickens for by the farmer.")
Non-Austronesian examples
Alignment types resembling symmetrical voice have been observed in non-Austronesian languages.
Nilotic
The Nilotic languages are a group of languages spoken in the eastern part of Sub-Saharan Africa.
Dinka
Dinka is a dialect continuum spoken in South Sudan. The two dialects presented below each have a maximum of three voices.
Agar
Andersen (1991) suggests that Agar exhibits symmetrical voice. This language has a maximum of three voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, and Circumstantial Voice. The subject is found in sentence-initial position, before the verb. The non-finite form of the verb found in the examples[74] below is yḛ̂ep "cut".
ô̰ok
1PL
á̰a-y‹ḛ̀›p
D.PL-‹AV›cut
tḭ̀im
tree
nè̤
PREP
yê̤ep.
axe
ô̰ok á̰a-y‹ḛ̀›p tḭ̀im nè̤ yê̤ep.
1PL D.PL-‹AV›cut tree PREP axe
"We are cutting the tree with the axe."
tḭ̀im
tree
à̰-y‹ḛ́›p-kṳ̀
D-‹PV›cut-1PL
nè̤
PREP
yê̤ep.
axe
tḭ̀im à̰-y‹ḛ́›p-kṳ̀ nè̤ yê̤ep.
tree D-‹PV›cut-1PL PREP axe
"We are cutting the tree with the axe." (or "The tree is being cut by us with the axe.")
yê̤ep
axe
à̰-y‹ḛ́e›p
D-‹CV›cut
ó̰ok
1PL.GEN
tḭ̀im.
tree
yê̤ep à̰-y‹ḛ́e›p ó̰ok tḭ̀im.
axe D-‹CV›cut 1PL.GEN tree
"We are cutting the tree with the axe." (or "The axe is being cut the tree with by us.")
However, the number of voice morphemes available in this language is reduced to two when the agent is a full noun (i.e., not a pronoun), such as in the examples[75] below. In (5a), where the subject is a patient, and the agent is not a pronoun, the verb is marked with Circumstantial Voice. Compare to (2) above, in which the agent is pronominal, and the verb is marked with patient voice morpheme, ḛ́.
dhɔ̤̀ɔk
boy
à̰-y‹ḛ̀›p
D-‹AV›cut
tḭ̀im
tree
nè̤
PREP
yê̤ep.
axe
dhɔ̤̀ɔk à̰-y‹ḛ̀›p tḭ̀im nè̤ yê̤ep.
boy D-‹AV›cut tree PREP axe
"The boy is cutting the tree with the axe."
tḭ̀im
tree
à̰-y‹ḛ́e›p
D-‹CV›cut
dhɔ̤̀ɔk
boy
nè̤
PREP
yê̤ep.
axe
tḭ̀im à̰-y‹ḛ́e›p dhɔ̤̀ɔk nè̤ yê̤ep.
tree D-‹CV›cut boy PREP axe
"The boy is cutting the tree with the axe." (or "The tree is being cut by the boy with the axe.")
yê̤ep
axe
à̰-y‹ḛ́e›p
D-‹CV›cut
dhɔ̤̀ɔk
boy
tḭ̀im.
tree
yê̤ep à̰-y‹ḛ́e›p dhɔ̤̀ɔk tḭ̀im.
axe D-‹CV›cut boy tree
"The boy is cutting the tree with the axe." (or "The axe is being cut the tree with by the boy.")
Bor
Van Urk (2015) suggests that Bor exhibits symmetrical voice. This language has three voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, and Circumstantial Voice.
The subject is found in sentence-initial position, before the verb. The non-finite form of the verb found in the examples[76] below is câam "eat".
Àyén
Ayen
à-c‹à›m
3SG-‹AV›eat
cuî̤in
food
nè̤
PREP
pǎal.
knife
Àyén à-c‹à›m cuî̤in nè̤ pǎal.
Ayen 3SG-‹AV›eat food PREP knife
"Ayen is eating food with a knife."
Cuî̤in
food
à-c‹ɛ́ɛ›m
3SG-‹PV›eat
Áyèn
Ayen.ERG
nè̤
PREP
pǎal.
knife
Cuî̤in à-c‹ɛ́ɛ›m Áyèn nè̤ pǎal.
food 3SG-‹PV›eat Ayen.ERG PREP knife
"Ayen is eating food with a knife." (or "Food is being eaten by Ayen with a knife.")
Pǎal
knife
à-c‹ɛ́ɛ›m-è̤
3SG-‹PV›eat-CV
Áyèn
Ayen.ERG
cuî̤in.
food
Pǎal à-c‹ɛ́ɛ›m-è̤ Áyèn cuî̤in.
knife 3SG-‹PV›eat-CV Ayen.ERG food
"Ayen is eating food with a knife." (or "The knife is being eaten food with by Ayen.")
Kurmuk
Andersen (2015) suggests that Kurmuk, which is spoken in Sudan, has a construction that resembles symmetrical voice. This language has three voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, and Circumstantial Voice.
The subject in the examples[78] below is found in sentence-initial position, before the verb.
t̪áarák
person
ꜜbóor-ú-∅
skin-PST-AV
dɛ̀ɛl
goat
kʌ̀
PREP
ŋɪ̀ɪr.
knife
t̪áarák ꜜbóor-ú-∅ dɛ̀ɛl kʌ̀ ŋɪ̀ɪr.
person skin-PST-AV goat PREP knife
"The man skinned a goat with a knife."
dɛ̀ɛl
goat
bóor-út̪-ɪ̀
skin-PST-PV
ŋʌ̀
NOM
t̪áarák
person
kʌ̀
PREP
ŋɪ̀ɪr.
knife
dɛ̀ɛl bóor-út̪-ɪ̀ ŋʌ̀ t̪áarák kʌ̀ ŋɪ̀ɪr.
goat skin-PST-PV NOM person PREP knife
"The man skinned the goat with a knife." (or "The goat was skinned by the man with a knife.")
ŋɪ̀ɪr
knife
bóor-út̪-ꜜɪ́
skin-PST-CV
dɛ́ɛl
goat
ŋʌ̀
NOM
t̪áarák.
person
ŋɪ̀ɪr bóor-út̪-ꜜɪ́ dɛ́ɛl ŋʌ̀ t̪áarák.
knife skin-PST-CV goat NOM person
"The man skinned a goat with the knife." (or "The knife was skinned a goat with by the man.")
Notes
Glosses
Here is a list of the abbreviations used in the glosses:
Endnotes
- ↑Blust (2013), p. 436.
- ↑Ross, John (2002). "Final words: research themes in the history and typology of western Austronesian languages". In Wouk, Fay; Malcolm, Ross (eds.). The history and typology of Western Austronesian voice systems. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics. pp. 451–474.
- ↑Beguš, Gašper. (2016). "The Origins of the Voice/Focus System in Austronesian". Presented at the 42nd Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society (BLS42).
- ↑Himmelmann, N. P. (2002). Voice in western Austronesian: An update. In F. Wouk & M. Ross (Eds.), The History and Typology of western Austronesian voice systems (pp. 7-15). Canberra, ACT: Australian National University.
- ↑Starosta, Stanley. (2002). Austronesian ‘Focus’ as Derivation: Evidence from Nominalization. Language and Linguistics, 3(2), 427-479.
- ↑Masumi Katagiri (2020) 'Tagalog'. In Tasaku Tsunoda (ed.) Mermaid Construction: A Compound-Predicate Construction with Biclausal Appearance. De Gruyter. P. 786.
- ↑Hemmings, Charlotte. (2015). Kelabit Voice: Philippine‐Type, Indonesian‐Type or Something a Bit Different? Transactions of the Philological Society, 113(3), 383-405.
- ↑Liao, Liao, H. C. (2011). Some morphosyntactic differences between Formosan and Philippine languages. Language and Linguistics, 12(4), 845-876.
- ↑Kroeger, Paul. (2007). Morphosyntactic vs. morphosemantic functions of Indonesian –kan. In A. Zaenen et al. (Eds.), Architectures, Rules, and Preferences: Variations on Themes of Joan Bresnan (pp. 229-251).
- ↑Huang, Shuan-fan. (2002). The pragmatics of focus in Tsou and Seediq. Language and Linguistics, 3(4), 665-694.
- ↑Fortin, Catherine. (2003). Syntactic and Semantic Valence: Morphosyntactic Evidence from Minangkabau. In Proceedings of the Twenty-Ninth Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society (BLS 29).
- ↑Ross (2002, p. 20)
- ↑Taken from Shiohara (2012)'s examples in (4a-b) on page 60, and in (12) on page 63. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
- ↑Taken from Blust (2013)'s Table 7.2 on page 439. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
- ↑Taken from Liu (2011)'s examples in (2.5) on page 27. Glosses and translation modified for the Wikipedia article.
- ↑Taken from Liu (2011)'s examples in (2.30) on page 44. Glosses and translation modified for the Wikipedia article.
- ↑Taken from Liu (2017)'s examples in (52) to (56). Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
- ↑Taken from Pan (2012)'s examples in (3.16b), (3.23a), (3.32d) and (3.33a). Glosses and translation modified for the Wikipedia article.
- ↑The orthography used in this subsection does not conform to the orthography used in Pan (2012) with respect to the consonant /ɬ/. Whereas Pan (2012) represents this sound as ‹lh›, this sound is represented here as ‹hl› (Pan (2012; page 50)).
- ↑Taken from Liu (2014)'s examples in (5a), (5c), (17a), and (20a). Glosses and translation modified for the Wikipedia article.
- ↑Taken from Lee (2016)'s examples in (24), and (25). Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
- ↑Taken from Ross and Teng (2005)'s examples in (2). Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
- ↑Taken from Li (2000)'s examples in (22), (39), and (58), and Li (2002)'s example in (15). Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
- ↑Taken from Aldridge (2015)'s examples in (7), and Cauquelin (1991)'s example on page 44. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
- ↑While this example may come from Cauquelin (1991), the orthography used here conforms to the orthography used in Aldridge (2015).
- ↑Taken from Kuo (2015)'s examples in (2.1) on page 14. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
- ↑Taken from Tsukida (2012)'s examples in (3). Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
- ↑Taken from Huang and Huang (2007)'s examples in III in the Appendix, pages 449-450. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
- ↑Zeitoun (2005), page 266
- ↑Zeitoun (2005), page 267 ("actor voice" and "undergoer voice", respectively, in her terminology).
- ↑In their gloss for this example, Huang and Huang (2007, page 450) suggest that the benefactive voice suffix attaches to a stem composed of the verb and the locative voice ("locative voice" in their terminology).
- ↑Taken from Reid (1966)'s examples on pages 26 and 27. Glosses and translation modified for the Wikipedia article.
- ↑The orthography used for the data here reflects the transcription system used by Reid (1966). It seems that, from the Wikipedia article on Ivatan, this may not be the actual spelling system that the speakers of this language use. The sound represented by ‹q› is /ʔ/.
- ↑Reid (1966; pp 25-27) presents an alternative form for the verb in locative voice. Instead of appearing with the 'pang-' prefix, a verb of this class in locative voice form may appear with just the '-an' suffix. For this example, instead of 'pangamoqmoan', the verb would be 'qamoqmoan'. Reid indicates that the distinction between these two forms is that the patient of the action must be explicit for the form appearing without the 'pang-' prefix.
- ↑Reid (1966; pp 25-27) presents an alternative form for the verb in circumstantial voice, when it selects for instrument subjects. Instead of appearing with the 'pang-' prefix, a verb of this class in circumstantial voice form may appear with just the 'qi-' prefix. For this example, instead of 'qipangamoqmo', the verb would be 'qimoqmo'. Reid indicates that the distinction between these two forms is that the patient of the action must be explicit for the form appearing without the 'pang-' prefix.
- ↑Reid (1966; pp 25-27) does not present any alternative form for verbs of this class in circumstantial voice, when they select for benefactee subjects.
- ↑Taken from Huang (2014)'s examples in (3a-d) on page 251. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
- ↑Taken from Abrams (1970)'s examples on page 2. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
- ↑Abrams (1970, pages 1-2) indicates that Blaan verbs are classified into three types of prefocus bases, each of which has an inherent voice without bearing any voice affixes. An agent prefocus base is a bare verb that is inherently in Actor Voice voice. A patient prefocus base is inherently in patient voice, and an instrument prefocus base is inherently in instrument voice.
- ↑Blaan has two morphemes which, when attached to a prefocus base, change the inherent voice of the base. These morphemes are the Actor Voice affix, m-/-am-, and the non-Actor Voice affix, n-/-an- ("subject focus" and "non-subject focus" in Abrams (1970, page 1)'s terminology, respectively).
- ↑Abrams (1970, page 2) has not found many examples of an agent prefocus base taking either of the voice-changing morphemes. However, in that rare example in which an agent prefocus base does, both voice-changing morphemes transitivize the intransitive agent prefocus base. In addition, the Actor Voice affix keeps the base in Actor Voice voice, while the non-Actor Voice affix changes the voice of the base to non-Actor Voice voice, and allows for the selection of a patient subject.
- ↑Without any voice-changing morphemes, patient prefocus bases take patient subjects. The Actor Voice affix changes the voice of the base to Actor Voice voice, allowing the verb to take an agent subject. The non-Actor Voice affix allows a patient prefocus base to take location subjects.
- ↑The Actor Voice affix changes the inherent instrument voice of the base to Actor Voice voice, whereas the non-Actor Voice affix changes the voice to non-Actor Voice voice, and allows for the selection of a patient subject.
- ↑Taken from Bell (1976)'s examples on pages 8, 9, and 11. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
- ↑Taken from Travis (2010)'s examples in (46) on page 42. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
- ↑Taken from Mirikitani (1972)'s examples in (64), (95), (96), (100), (101) and (106). Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
- ↑In the examples, the word to which the accusative case marker attaches is a pronoun or portmanteau pronoun that is obligatorily present in the same clause as the noun with which it is co-referential. In sentences with an Actor Voice, the pronoun co-refers with the agent subject. In sentences with a non-Actor Voice, the portmanteau pronoun co-refers with both the ergative agent and the non-agent subject, which is marked with direct case.
- ↑Taken from Ferreirinho (1993)'s examples in (100), (245), (246), (247) and (248). Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
- ↑The patient voice suffix surfaces either as -on or as -∅. The choice of allomorph depends on whether or not the verb is marked with the -in- aspectual infix. When the aspectual infix is present, the -∅ allomorph surfaces.
- ↑Taken from McKaughan (1962)'s examples on pages 48 and 50, and from McKaughan (1970)'s example in (4). Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
- ↑Taken from Tryon (1994)'s examples on pages 35 and 36. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
- ↑Taken from Estioca (2020)'s examples on page 123. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
- ↑The patient voice suffix surfaces either as -in or as -∅. The choice of allomorph depends on whether or not the verb is marked with the -in- aspectual infix. When the aspectual infix is present, the -∅ allomorph surfaces.
- ↑The subject in (6a) is the nominalization of the adverbial clause in (6b).
- ↑Taken from Sneddon (1970)'s examples on page 13, and from Sneddon (1975)'s examples on pages 63 and 66. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
- ↑Taken from Boutin (2002)'s examples in (3), and (4) on page 211, (6) and (7) on page 212, and in (44) on page 222. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
- ↑Boutin (2002; pp. 211-212) presents other voice-related data. However, because these are periphrastic constructions, they are of no interest for the purposes of this Wikipedia article.
- ↑The patient voice suffix surfaces either as -idn or as -∅. The choice of allomorph depends on whether or not the verb is marked with the -in- realis mood morpheme. When the realis mood morpheme is present, the -∅ allomorph surfaces.
- ↑Hemmings (2016), p. 270: "Taken from examples in (39). Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article."
- ↑Hemmings (2016), p. 200: "Taken from examples in (189a-c). Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article."
- ↑Hemmings (2016) presents examples in which the subject in patient voice appears before the verb, and in which the subject in Actor Voice voice appears after the verb
- ↑Hemmings (2016), pp. 202–203.
- ↑The patient voice suffix has two allomorphs, -en and -∅. The former occurs in non-perfective contexts, whereas the latter in perfective contexts.
- ↑Taken from Kroeger (2005)'s examples in (20a-c), page 405, and from Kroeger (2017)'s examples in (5), (6a) and (7). The orthography used here conforms to the orthography used in Kroeger (2017). Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
- ↑Kroeger (2017), page 5.
- ↑According to Kroeger (2005; page 415, table (45)), the patient voice suffix has two allomorphs, -on and -∅. The former occurs in non-past contexts, whereas the latter in past contexts. The locative voice suffix does not exhibit such allomorphy, and can appear in both past and non-past contexts.
- ↑According to Kroeger (2010; page 8), the instrument voice prefix has two allomorphs, i-, and ∅-. The latter surfaces in the presence of the transitivity prefix, poN-.
- ↑The sentence in this example exhibits a pseudocleft construction with a relative clause as the subject, and a wh-word as the predicate. The instrument voice prefix selects a null operator within the relative clause. This null operator serves as the head of the relative clause, which can be interpreted as "the thing that...".
- ↑The sentence in this example exhibits a pseudocleft construction with a relative clause as the subject, and a wh-word as the predicate. The locative voice suffix selects a null operator within the relative clause. This null operator serves as the head of the relative clause, which can be interpreted as "the thing that...".
- ↑Taken from Prentice (1965)'s examples on pages 130 and 131. Glosses and translations for the Wikipedia article.
- ↑McDonnell, Bradley (2016). Symmetrical voice constructions in Besemah: a usage-based approach (PhD Dissertation). Santa Barbara: University of California Santa Barbara. pp. 132–138.
- ↑Himmelmann & Adelaar 2005, p. 112.
- ↑Taken from Pearson (2005)'s examples in (2) and (10c). Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
- ↑Taken from Andersen (1991)'s example (74) on page 286. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
- ↑Taken from Andersen (1991)'s example (71) on page 285. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
- ↑Taken from van Urk (2015)'s example (2) on page 61. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
- ↑Van Urk (2015, page 69) indicates that the circumstantial voice suffix is attached to a stem composed of the verb and the patient voice ("object voice" in van Urk's terminology).
- ↑Taken from Andersen (2015)'s example (1) on page 510. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
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- Tipología lingüística
- Lenguas austronesias
- Transitividad y valencia